The late US second-in-command Dick Cheney, who died at the age of 84, was considered arguably the most influential holders of the vice-presidency in American history. While numerous vice-presidents were confined to marginal or ceremonial functions, Cheney exercised huge sway during the presidency of George W Bush, to such an extent that he was commonly referred to as the "real president".
Bush objected to this portrayal and stated the relationship was more complicated. He noted that Cheney was courteous, invariably calling him in official appearances as President, while he referred to him as Dick. Bush disputed even characterisations of their partnership as a team because it indicated that they were equals. In spite of such protestations, Cheney considered the relaxed president malleable on a whole raft of policy decisions.
The Post-9/11 Era
Leading of a group of conservative hawks that included defence secretary Donald Rumsfeld and assistant defense secretary Paul Wolfowitz, he strongly advocated the armed incursion of Iraq in 2003 in reaction to the 9/11 attacks on New York and Washington. During of the 9/11 strike, Bush had been taking part in a gathering at a educational institution in Florida. While Bush made his way to a underground facility in Nebraska, Cheney took charge, directing the destruction of any non-communicating planes nearing the government building.
Cheney stated the strikes changed him, causing him to be intent on retribution. In conjunction with other neo-conservatives, such as Rumsfeld and Wolfowitz, he lobbied for a takeover of Afghanistan in an attempt to apprehend Osama bin Laden. Cheney then vigorously pushed for the invasion of Iraq, even though there was no evidence of Saddam Hussein having involvement.
Debated Policies
He expressed no regrets about the military campaign, in which an reckoned 100,000 Iraqis lost their lives, and not about the harsh treatment of suspects rounded up after 9/11. He stated to CNN in 2015 that the Iraq military action, which was based on inaccurate intelligence echoed by Cheney, was the proper course of action. "It proved to be the right thing to do at that time. I was convinced then and I maintain that stance now."
But even at the time, there were dissenting voices at a high level about the botched execution of Iraq. One of the government's own delegates to the region, General Anthony Zinni (2001-03), was not reappointed from the role. "I saw, as a baseline," he subsequently stated "obvious failure, inaction, and irresponsibility: at worst, falsehoods, unfitness, and dishonesty."
Additional Factors
Cheney was not solely to blame for the Iraq military action. Before 9/11, Wolfowitz had advocated for comparable steps. He had drafted a memorandum detailing situations in which American interests might be endangered (featuring "obtaining vital raw materials, mainly Persian Gulf oil"). Wolfowitz had argued that "the United States should be positioned to take unilateral action when collective action cannot be arranged," explicitly mentioning military moves against Iraq.
Bush too had assumed the Oval Office somewhat determined on executing what his predecessor had specifically avoided to do in 1991; topple Saddam. After he had been sacked by the White House, the treasury secretary Paul O'Neill recounted how, at the first meeting of the National Security Council in January 2001, Bush had stated his intention of reducing America's involvement in the Middle East dispute and suggested armed intervention against Iraq.
Bush held a private grievance against Saddam, convinced he had been behind a scheme to murder his predecessor, President George HW Bush, on a journey to Kuwait in 1993. He also resented that one of the most prominent accommodations in Baghdad had a floor mural with a likeness of his parent's face that all visitors had to tread upon.
Questioning Techniques
Yet it was Cheney who was part of the most vociferous supporting invading Iraq, consistently citing intelligence reports that were either thin or completely deceptive. He supported what the Bush White House euphemistically referred to as "enhanced interrogation", the application of simulated drowning and torture.
Answering a Senate report in 2014 that found that no valuable data had been obtained through the interrogation methods, Cheney rejected the report as "full of crap". He stated to Fox News: "We asked [the CIA] to implement measures and establish initiatives to capture the bastards who murdered 3,000 of us on 9/11 and make sure it was not repeated. That was specifically what they did and they deserve a lot of praise."
External Perception
Cheney reveled in labels given to him by detractors such as the dark character and the dark figure, and by the notion that he was a sinister influence directing Bush. In the author's 2013 volume about the two, Days of Fire: Bush and Cheney in the White House, Cheney is quoted as saying: "Am I the evil genius in the corner that nobody ever sees emerge from his lair? It's a nice way to operate, truthfully."
Commercial Ties
Dispute over his business interests accompanied him throughout his time as second-in-command. Although he had limited background in commerce but established relationships in defence, particularly in Saudi Arabia, he was invited to join Halliburton, one of the world's biggest oil and gas companies, in 1995 as chair and chief executive.
In 2000 he assumed the role of Bush's running mate for the presidency. Controversially, during the Iraq war, Halliburton was granted US contracts valued at billions.
It significantly boosted his finances. His yearly earnings during his period at the company rose from his quarter-million dollars when he was Pentagon chief to millions. When he departed in 2000 he had a package totaling in excess of $20m|twenty
